GOVERNMENT
Behind the scenes, real control remains in the hands of postal clerk-turned-dictator Ne Win (commonly spoken of as 'the Old Man'), as it has since 1962. Ne Win is said to be obsessed with astrology and numerology to the extent that virtually every major tactical ddecision at the national level is based on consultations with horoscopes and obscure number charts. One result was the introduction of K45 and K90 banknotes in the late 1980s. Ne Win reveres the number nine; both 45 and 90 are factors of nine, and the digits of both numbers add up to nine. He has been married seven times, his wealth is said to rival that of the late Ferdinand Marcos and he owns property in England, Germany, and Japan.
While Burmese citizens have relative economic freedom in all but state-owned trade spheres (naturally these are the big ones, like timber and oil), their political freedom is strictly curtailed. Peaceful political assembly is banned and citizens are forbidden to talk to foreigners about politics. All government workers in Myanmar, from mail carriers to university professors, must sign a pledge not to discuss the government among themselves or risk losing their jobs. In everyday practice, plenty of Burmese talk to foreigners about political issues as long as they know no Burmese are listening, voicing such common laments as 'Our government is run by a bunch of idiots.'
The opposition movement that began in 1988 appears to be quelled now, with many leaders and spokespersons under arrest and the SLORC firmly in control. Although it's impossible to know what goes on out of the public eye, the government has only carried out four official executions in the last 25 years.
George Orwell (who wrote Animal Farm and 1984 and who once served with the British colonial police in Burma) could hardly envision a more Orwellian regime than that currently held in place by the Tatmadaw. It has turned friend against friend and family member against family member in a web of mutual suspicion. the military employs a large network of informers who circulate in cinemas, teashops, offices and private homes to ferret out 'minions of colonialism' - anyone who voices opposition to the government. A national dress code requires all citizens to dress in proper Burmese attire; trousers (for men or women), for example, are frowned upon unless necessary in one's occupation. Foreign music (ie any music with foreign lyrics) is banned from the radio waves.
Among the most visible signs of the government's current strategy are the prominent red-and-white signboards posted in the public areas of all Myanmar's major cities. they carry slogans, in Burmese (and occasionally in English), such as these:
Cynics say that the opposition never stood a chance and that the 1990 election was either a small tactical error on the part of the military or a simple way of identifying the opposition (anyone who ran for election against the SLORC was immediately put on the arrest list). Some even contend that had the opposition taken over, Myanmar would now be in a state of anarchy. Many younger Burmese, however, still harbour hopes that they will be able to some day wrest control of the country from the feared and hated Tatmadaw.
Movement toward a somewhat more tolerant atmosphere came in 1992 with the release of large numbers of political prisoners and the repeal of a national 11pm to 4 am curfew imposed since 1988. Cynics contend that many of the freed 'political prisoners' were in fact just common criminals and that very few real opponents to the SLORC were released.
Each year since 1992, however, has seen the release of more prisoners; on March 27 (Armed Forces Day), 1995, the government released 31 high-profile political prisoners, including Tin U, co-founder of the original NLD and former army chief of staff. Another sign that the government is at least recognizing the opposition was the state-sponsored public funeral of U Nu in 1995 - the only democratically elected prime minister Myanmar has ever known. In the same year, the government also reduced by a third the prison terms of 23,000 convicts who had participated in construction projects around the country.
The Constitution
In no uncertain terms the delegates have been instructed to draft a charter giving the military leadership special 'emergency powers' that include the right to suspend ordinary government procedures. The parameters also dictate that the charter disqualifies anyone married to a foreigner. Government estimates as to how long it will take to finish the new constitution range from six months to two years. The SLORC has repeatedly promised that once the constitution is ratified - whether by public referendum or by other means has yet to be decided - civilian rule will come. As trade minister Lieutenant General Tun Kyi told international reporters in 1994: 'When the constitution is completed, democracy will be restored'.
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The System
The Tatmadaw ('armed forces') and their political junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), rule Myanmar with an iron fist these days. The only political party with any actual power is Ne Win's national Unity Party (originally the Burmese Socialist Programme Party). General Saw Maung headed the party from 1988 until his nervous breakdown in late 1991, during which he made rambling speeches on such mystical topics as Jesus' supposed sojourn in Tibet. The government is now led by another Ne Win appointee, General Than Shwe, who seems moderate compared to his predecessor; 2000 political prisoners and 'prisoners of conscience' were released in April 1992 when Than Shwe took over. According to Aung Sand Suu Kyi, however, around 40 political dissidents remain imprisoned.
Myanmar has had three constitutions since gaining independence from the British in 1948, the most recent of which was suspended by the SLORC in 1989. In 1995, after five years of snail-like progress, the government finally organised the National Convention, which consists of 702 delegates given the task of drafting the new charter. Most delegates were selected by the junta; less than 15% hail from the NLD, which has largely been co-opted by the NUP.